Does it matter that our politicians are so much richer than average Americans? Maybe so.
Britt Peterson:
a number of new studies suggest that, in certain key ways, people with
that much money are not like the rest of us at all. As a mounting body
of research is showing, wealth can actually change how we think and
behave—and not for the better. Rich people have a harder time connecting
with others, showing less empathy to the extent of dehumanizing those
who are different from them. They are less charitable and generous. They
are less likely to help someone in trouble. And they are more likely to
defend an unfair status quo. If you think you’d behave differently in
their place, meanwhile, you’re probably wrong: These aren’t just
inherited traits, but developed ones. Money, in other words, changes who
you are.
There are two ways to gauge the difference between how wealthy and
nonwealthy people think: You can make people temporarily feel rich (or
prompt them to think about money) and see if that creates changes, or
you can sample rich and nonrich people and see if they think differently
to begin with. Both kinds of studies yield results that point in the
same somewhat disturbing direction. . . .
Further studies have shown that prompting
people to think about money—a technique known as “priming”—makes them
less likeable and friendly, and more likely to agree with statements
that support an unjust, social-Darwinist status quo (for example, “Some
groups of people are simply inferior to others”). In a particularly
disturbing part of one study, the team primed people with money, then
gauged their empathy by eliciting reactions to a theoretical scenario
involving a belligerent homeless person. The researchers offered the
subjects a chance to agree with statements that dehumanized others
(“Some people deserve to be treated like animals”). The money-primed
group was more likely to agree.
One of the most consistent findings of these studies is that the more money people make, the more likely they are to believe that the existing economic arrangements are just:
In 2009, Michael Kraus, Paul Piff, and Dacher Keltner, all then of
Berkeley,
published research that divided up sample groups by family income as
well as self-reported socioeconomic status. People of higher
socioeconomic status were more likely to explain success or failure as a
result of individual merit or fault; lower-class people, on the other
hand, felt less control in their own lives and were more likely to blame
events on circumstance. In other words, higher-status people were more
likely to feel that they’d earned their high place in society, and that
poorer people hadn’t.
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